All questions
Question 1
Text 1
Standardized tests are often criticized for narrowing curriculum, yet they can expose inequities that schools prefer to hide. When results are disaggregated by income and race, patterns of under-resourcing become harder to deny. Abandoning tests may relieve anxiety for some students, but it can also remove a shared metric that prompts districts to act. The problem is not measurement itself; it is using scores to punish schools rather than to direct support where it is most needed.
Text 2
A shared metric can become a shared obsession. Even when policymakers promise to use test results for support, schools anticipate consequences and respond predictably: they teach what is tested and neglect what is not. Students in marginalized communities, already denied art, labs, and field trips, often experience the most test prep because administrators feel the most pressure there. Equity is not achieved by measuring disparities repeatedly; it is achieved by investing in smaller classes, experienced teachers, and rich coursework.
Which choice best summarizes how the author of Text 2 would evaluate the idea in Text 1 that standardized tests can prompt districts to address inequities?
- They would agree that tests reliably lead to richer instruction in marginalized schools because they reveal funding gaps.
- They would argue that tests tend to increase pressure and narrow instruction, especially in marginalized communities, limiting their value as an equity tool. (correct answer)
- They would claim that inequities are impossible to detect without standardized tests.
- They would contend that test prep improves equity by giving all students identical lessons and materials.
Explanation: Text 1 argues that standardized tests can expose inequities and prompt districts to act when results are disaggregated by income and race. Text 2 would evaluate this idea critically, arguing that even when policymakers promise to use results for support, schools anticipate consequences and respond with excessive test prep, especially in marginalized communities. Text 2 contends that students in these communities 'often experience the most test prep because administrators feel the most pressure there,' which narrows instruction rather than enriching it. The author argues equity comes from investing in resources, not repeated measurement. Choice B correctly captures this evaluation: tests tend to increase pressure and narrow instruction, especially in marginalized communities, limiting their value as an equity tool. Choice A is wrong because Text 2 doesn't agree tests lead to richer instruction. Choices C and D misrepresent Text 2's position.
Question 2
Text 1
Public libraries should stop trying to be "quiet museums of books" and instead become full-service community hubs. Many patrons come for job applications, language classes, or a safe place after school, not just novels. When libraries add makerspaces and host local organizations, they expand their relevance and can better justify public funding. A library that refuses to evolve risks becoming a nostalgic symbol rather than a working institution.
Text 2
Turning every library into a bustling hub can unintentionally weaken the very service that makes libraries distinctive: sustained access to knowledge. Study rooms fill with events, collections shrink to make space for equipment, and staff time shifts from research help to crowd management. Communities certainly need gathering places, but they also need sanctuaries for reading and concentration, especially for people whose homes are noisy. Modernization should not mean abandoning quiet; it should mean protecting it with equal seriousness.
Which claim from Text 2 most directly addresses the idea in Text 1 that libraries should become full-service community hubs to remain relevant?
- Libraries can justify funding only by adding makerspaces and hosting local organizations.
- A push toward constant events can reduce space and staff attention for research and quiet study, undermining a core library function. (correct answer)
- Many patrons visit libraries primarily to borrow novels rather than to use computers or attend classes.
- Libraries should charge admission for events so that they can maintain larger book collections.
Explanation: Text 1 advocates for libraries becoming full-service community hubs with makerspaces and events to remain relevant. Text 2 directly addresses this by warning that 'Turning every library into a bustling hub can unintentionally weaken the very service that makes libraries distinctive: sustained access to knowledge.' The author explains that study rooms fill with events, collections shrink for equipment, and staff time shifts from research help to crowd management. Text 2 argues that communities need 'sanctuaries for reading and concentration' and that modernization should protect quiet spaces. Choice B correctly identifies this claim: a push toward constant events can reduce space and staff attention for research and quiet study, undermining a core library function. Choice A misrepresents Text 2's position. Choice C mentions patron preferences but doesn't address the hub concept. Choice D introduces charging admission, which Text 2 doesn't mention.
Question 3
Text 1
Single-use plastic bans are an overhyped solution to ocean pollution. Most marine plastic comes from industrial fishing gear and poor waste management systems, not from shoppers forgetting reusable bags. Cities that ban straws and utensils may generate headlines, but they risk distracting voters from funding sewage upgrades, landfill controls, and enforcement against illegal dumping. Environmental policy should target the largest sources first, even if those sources are less visible in everyday life.
Text 2
It is true that fishing gear and waste systems contribute heavily to marine debris, yet consumer plastics are not irrelevant. Lightweight items like bags and cutlery fragment quickly and spread widely, making them difficult to collect once they enter waterways. Bans can also shift norms: when millions of people change routines, companies redesign packaging and supply chains. The best policies combine infrastructure investment with targeted restrictions, because public attention can be leveraged rather than merely "distracted."
Based on Text 2, how would the author of Text 2 most likely respond to Text 1's concern that plastic bans "distract" from bigger solutions?
- Agree that bans should be avoided because they cannot influence corporate packaging decisions.
- Argue that bans can complement infrastructure improvements by reducing hard-to-collect litter and by building momentum for broader changes. (correct answer)
- Maintain that consumer plastics are the primary source of marine debris and therefore deserve exclusive policy focus.
- Suggest that attention to marine pollution is unhelpful unless it is limited to industrial fishing practices.
Explanation: The question asks how Text 2's author would respond to Text 1's concern that plastic bans 'distract' from bigger solutions like infrastructure. Text 1 argues bans divert attention from more important issues like waste management systems. Text 2 acknowledges infrastructure is important ('The best policies combine infrastructure investment with targeted restrictions') but argues that bans aren't merely distracting - they can complement infrastructure improvements by addressing hard-to-collect lightweight plastics and by shifting norms that lead companies to 'redesign packaging and supply chains.' Text 2 states public attention can be 'leveraged rather than merely distracted.' Answer B correctly captures this: Text 2 argues bans can complement infrastructure improvements by reducing hard-to-collect litter and building momentum for broader changes. Choice A is wrong - Text 2 doesn't agree bans should be avoided. Choice C misrepresents Text 2's position on consumer plastics. Choice D incorrectly limits Text 2's focus to fishing practices.
Question 4
Text 1
Many people assume that open-plan offices encourage collaboration, yet the architecture often produces the opposite. When desks lack walls, workers become acutely aware of being overheard and reduce spontaneous conversation. A study tracking employee communication before and after an office redesign found that face-to-face interactions dropped while email and messaging increased. The lesson is straightforward: if a company wants genuine collaboration, it should provide more private spaces, not fewer, so employees can choose when to talk and when to focus.
Text 2
It is tempting to blame open layouts for every workplace frustration, but communication patterns depend on norms as much as furniture. The same study that recorded fewer in-person conversations also showed that teams completed more cross-department projects after the redesign, suggesting that digital channels can broaden collaboration rather than shrink it. Privacy matters, yet walls can also trap people in familiar circles. Companies should treat space as one tool among many—paired with meeting practices and incentives—rather than assuming that privacy alone will produce better teamwork.
Which statement best describes how the viewpoint in Text 2 differs from that in Text 1?
- Text 2 argues that open-plan offices reduce distractions, whereas Text 1 argues that open-plan offices increase them.
- Text 2 agrees that open plans reduce face-to-face talk but suggests this does not necessarily reduce collaboration and that solutions extend beyond adding private spaces. (correct answer)
- Text 2 rejects the study cited in Text 1 as unreliable and proposes that only long‑term surveys can measure collaboration.
- Text 2 claims that architecture is irrelevant to collaboration, while Text 1 claims that architecture is the only factor that matters.
Explanation: The viewpoint in Text 1 argues that open-plan offices reduce collaboration by decreasing face-to-face interactions, as evidenced by a study showing drops in in-person talk and increases in digital communication, recommending more private spaces for genuine collaboration. Text 2 differs by qualifying this, agreeing that the study showed 'fewer in-person conversations' but extending it to suggest digital channels 'can broaden collaboration' (e.g., more cross-department projects) and proposing solutions beyond privacy, like 'meeting practices and incentives,' treating space as 'one tool among many.' This represents a qualification and extension, acknowledging the issue but adding nuance on digital benefits and broader factors. Choice B correctly represents this by noting agreement on reduced face-to-face talk but differing on collaboration impacts and solutions. Choice A flips authors' positions, attributing reduced distractions to Text 2 when Text 1 focuses on increased distractions. Choice C misreads Text 2's claim, as it accepts the study but interprets results differently, not rejecting it as unreliable. Choice D uses unsupported inference that Text 2 deems architecture irrelevant, when it actually integrates space with other tools.
Question 5
Text 1
Remote work has been hailed as a triumph of flexibility, but it can quietly erode mentorship. In an office, novices overhear how experienced colleagues handle conflict, negotiate timelines, or recover from mistakes. Online, those moments vanish unless someone schedules them, and busy managers rarely do. Over time, remote-first companies may become efficient at executing tasks but weak at developing talent. If organizations want durable expertise, they should bring teams together regularly, not just for morale but for learning.
Text 2
Mentorship does not depend on shared air; it depends on deliberate practice. Offices offer accidental learning, but they also reward proximity over performance and exclude those who cannot relocate. Remote teams that document decisions, record demonstrations, and pair junior and senior staff in structured rotations can make learning more accessible than hallway eavesdropping. Regular in-person gatherings can help, yet treating them as the primary engine of development ignores tools that scale. The question is not where people sit, but whether leaders design mentorship intentionally.
Based on Text 2, how would the author of Text 2 most likely respond to Text 1's claim that remote-first companies may become weak at developing talent?
- They would agree and argue that remote work inevitably prevents any form of mentorship from occurring.
- They would challenge the inevitability of that outcome, arguing that structured remote practices can support mentorship and talent development. (correct answer)
- They would claim that offices never provide mentorship because managers are always too busy.
- They would argue that talent development is unimportant compared with short‑term task efficiency.
Explanation: Text 1 claims that remote-first companies may become weak at developing talent because remote work eliminates informal learning opportunities like overhearing how colleagues handle situations. Text 2 would challenge the inevitability of this outcome, arguing that 'Mentorship does not depend on shared air; it depends on deliberate practice.' The author of Text 2 contends that remote teams can create effective mentorship through documentation, recorded demonstrations, and structured rotations, making learning 'more accessible than hallway eavesdropping.' The key is intentional design, not physical proximity. Choice B correctly captures this response: challenging the inevitability and arguing that structured remote practices can support mentorship and talent development. Choice A is wrong because Text 2 doesn't agree mentorship is impossible remotely. Choices C and D introduce claims not made in Text 2.
Question 6
Text 1
Artificial intelligence will not eliminate most jobs; it will mainly automate tasks within them. History shows that new tools—from spreadsheets to industrial robots—change what workers do more than whether they are employed. A paralegal may draft faster with software, and a radiologist may triage images more efficiently, but the human role shifts toward judgment, communication, and oversight. The real risk is not mass unemployment but a widening gap between workers who can adapt and those who cannot access training.
Text 2
Task automation can still produce job loss when tasks make up most of a role. In some call centers, for example, chatbots already handle the majority of routine interactions, leaving fewer positions for humans and pushing remaining workers into highly monitored "exception handling." Unlike past tools, AI can scale quickly across firms, so displacement can happen faster than training programs can respond. The central challenge is not only reskilling but also managing transitions through wage insurance, mobility support, and labor standards.
Which choice best summarizes how Text 2 would evaluate Text 1's conclusion that "the real risk is not mass unemployment"?
- Text 2 would mostly agree, arguing that AI adoption is too slow to cause significant displacement.
- Text 2 would challenge it, suggesting that when automatable tasks dominate a job, AI can reduce the number of positions and do so rapidly. (correct answer)
- Text 2 would reinterpret it, claiming that unemployment is irrelevant because remaining jobs will be higher paid.
- Text 2 would support it, emphasizing that oversight and communication will expand for nearly all workers.
Explanation: The question asks how Text 2 would evaluate Text 1's conclusion that 'the real risk is not mass unemployment.' Text 1 argues AI will change tasks within jobs rather than eliminate jobs entirely. Text 2 challenges this by arguing that 'Task automation can still produce job loss when tasks make up most of a role,' using call centers as an example where chatbots handle most interactions, leaving 'fewer positions for humans.' Text 2 also notes AI can 'scale quickly across firms, so displacement can happen faster than training programs can respond.' This directly challenges Text 1's dismissal of mass unemployment as a risk. Answer B correctly identifies this: Text 2 would challenge it, suggesting that when automatable tasks dominate a job, AI can reduce the number of positions and do so rapidly. Choice A is wrong - Text 2 doesn't argue adoption is too slow. Choice C misrepresents Text 2's position on unemployment. Choice D incorrectly suggests Text 2 supports Text 1's view.
Question 7
Text 1
When cities replace timed traffic lights with roundabouts, they often see immediate safety gains. Because roundabouts force drivers to slow and eliminate head-on crossings, severe crashes typically drop even if minor fender benders rise. Critics complain about confusion, yet the geometry itself teaches: drivers yield, enter, and exit in a predictable loop. In dense neighborhoods, roundabouts can also keep cars moving without long idling, reducing both noise and tailpipe emissions at busy intersections.
Text 2
Roundabouts can reduce certain collisions, but treating them as a universal fix ignores how streets actually function. A roundabout that "keeps cars moving" may increase risk for pedestrians if crosswalks are pushed farther from the intersection and drivers focus on finding gaps rather than scanning sidewalks. Moreover, large trucks and buses often require expanded circles that consume scarce urban space, displacing trees or bike lanes. Safety should be judged for all users, not just motorists.
Based on Text 2, how would the author of Text 2 most likely respond to Text 1's suggestion that roundabouts reduce emissions by preventing long idling?
- They would agree that reduced idling is the main criterion for evaluating intersection design.
- They would argue that any emissions benefit does not justify designs that may create new hazards or trade-offs for other street users. (correct answer)
- They would claim that roundabouts inevitably increase congestion because drivers are confused by yielding rules.
- They would maintain that emissions reductions are impossible unless traffic lights are removed from an entire city at once.
Explanation: The question focuses on Text 1's claim that roundabouts reduce emissions by keeping cars moving without long idling at busy intersections. Text 2 qualifies this by acknowledging that roundabouts can 'keep cars moving' but emphasizing trade-offs, such as increased risks for pedestrians and displacement of urban space for bike lanes or trees, and insists that safety should be judged for all users, not just motorists. This represents a qualification, as Text 2 does not deny the emissions benefit but argues it must be weighed against broader harms. Choice B correctly captures this by stating that any emissions benefit does not justify designs creating new hazards or trade-offs, directly supported by Text 2's examples of pedestrian risks and space consumption. Choice A misreads Text 2's claim by assuming agreement on idling as the main criterion, when Text 2 broadens evaluation beyond emissions. Choice C uses an unsupported inference that roundabouts 'inevitably' increase congestion due to confusion, but Text 2 does not mention driver confusion or congestion. Choice D flips Text 2's position by exaggerating to claim emissions reductions require city-wide removal of lights, whereas Text 2 focuses on per-intersection trade-offs without such extremes.
Question 8
Text 1
Reading on paper is often described as "deeper" than reading on screens, but the difference is not mystical; it is logistical. Paper makes it harder to multitask, because a book does not buzz, flash, or offer a link one tap away. In classroom experiments where notifications were disabled on tablets, comprehension scores became similar to those of print readers. The medium matters less than the surrounding temptations. If educators want students to read well on screens, they should design digital environments that make distraction inconvenient.
Text 2
Distraction is part of the story, yet paper offers cognitive cues that screens struggle to replicate even in quiet settings. Readers often remember where an idea appeared—near the top of a left-hand page, for instance—and that spatial map can support recall and synthesis. E-readers that show a constant stream of text reduce these anchors, and students report feeling "lost" in long digital documents. Better interface design may help, but it is unrealistic to treat paper's physical structure as merely a distraction-free container.
Which claim from Text 2 most directly addresses the idea in Text 1 that comprehension differences are mainly caused by "surrounding temptations"?
- Paper offers spatial and physical cues that can aid memory even when distractions are minimized on screens. (correct answer)
- Books are cheaper than tablets for most schools to purchase and maintain.
- Some students prefer screens because they can adjust font size and brightness.
- Notifications are the primary reason students fail to finish assigned reading.
Explanation: Text 1 attributes comprehension differences mainly to 'surrounding temptations' like notifications, claiming scores equalize when distractions are disabled, treating medium as secondary to environment. Text 2 addresses this by arguing paper provides 'cognitive cues' like spatial memory (e.g., 'near the top of a left-hand page') that aid recall even in 'quiet settings,' which screens reduce, making it 'unrealistic to treat paper's physical structure as merely a distraction-free container.' This offers an alternative explanation, emphasizing inherent physical advantages beyond distractions. Choice A correctly identifies this claim as directly countering Text 1's distraction focus with spatial cues aiding memory despite minimized distractions. Choice B matches topic (books vs. screens) but not viewpoint, shifting to cost when Text 2 focuses on cognition. Choice C uses unsupported inference from Text 2, which discusses spatial issues, not preferences like font adjustment. Choice D misreads Text 1's claim, exaggerating notifications as primary when Text 1 sees them as logistical.
Question 9
Text 1
Planting trees is frequently promoted as a simple way to offset carbon emissions. But forests are not permanent vaults: drought, pests, and wildfires can return decades of stored carbon to the atmosphere in a single season. Offsets that assume a tree will stand for a century are essentially bets against a warming climate. Rather than buying cheap credits, companies should cut emissions directly, because only avoided pollution is certain.
Text 2
It is true that forests can burn, yet dismissing tree-based offsets ignores how carbon markets can be designed. High-quality projects diversify locations, insure against losses, and prioritize protecting existing forests, which often stores more carbon than new plantings. Moreover, some industries cannot eliminate emissions immediately; requiring them to cut to zero before using any offsets can stall progress. Offsets should not replace reductions, but they can finance conservation while firms decarbonize.
How does Text 2 relate to the argument presented in Text 1?
- Text 2 rejects the idea that climate risks affect forests and argues offsets are always permanent.
- Text 2 concedes a risk noted in Text 1 but argues that careful design can make offsets useful alongside direct emission cuts. (correct answer)
- Text 2 shifts the topic from corporate emissions to household recycling habits.
- Text 2 fully agrees with Text 1 that companies should stop using offsets under any circumstances.
Explanation: Text 1 argues against tree-based carbon offsets because forests can burn and release stored carbon, making them unreliable. Text 2 acknowledges this risk ('It is true that forests can burn') but argues that carbon markets can be designed to address these concerns through diversification, insurance, and prioritizing existing forest protection. Text 2 also notes that some industries cannot eliminate emissions immediately, so offsets can finance conservation while firms decarbonize. This represents a concession followed by a counterargument. Choice B correctly identifies this relationship: Text 2 concedes a risk noted in Text 1 but argues that careful design can make offsets useful alongside direct emission cuts. Choice A is wrong because Text 2 doesn't reject climate risks. Choice C incorrectly suggests a topic shift. Choice D is false because Text 2 doesn't fully agree with stopping all offsets.
Question 10
Text 1
Remote work has been celebrated as an environmental win, yet the "no commute" narrative is incomplete. Many remote workers move farther from city centers because they no longer travel daily, increasing suburban sprawl and the energy used to heat and cool larger homes. Meanwhile, video conferencing and cloud storage require data centers that consume substantial electricity. If policy makers want climate benefits, they should focus less on work location and more on clean energy standards for housing and digital infrastructure.
Text 2
Remote work can reduce emissions, but only under specific conditions that employers can influence. When companies adopt "remote-first" policies, they often shrink office space, cutting building energy use that would otherwise run year-round. Some firms also coordinate in-person days to minimize occasional commuting. Data centers are real energy users, yet many are rapidly shifting to renewables because electricity is a major cost. Remote work is not automatically green, but it can be made greener through organizational choices.
Which choice best describes how Text 2 relates to Text 1?
- Text 2 rejects Text 1's concerns as exaggerated and argues remote work is always environmentally beneficial.
- Text 2 shifts the discussion away from emissions and argues remote work should be evaluated primarily for employee satisfaction.
- Text 2 qualifies Text 1 by agreeing that benefits are not automatic while emphasizing specific practices that can produce the climate gains Text 1 doubts. (correct answer)
- Text 2 contradicts Text 1 by claiming suburban moves are rare and therefore irrelevant to environmental analysis.
Explanation: The question asks how Text 2 relates to Text 1's argument about remote work's environmental impact. Text 1 argues remote work's climate benefits are overstated due to suburban sprawl and data center energy use. Text 2 acknowledges these concerns ('Remote work is not automatically green') but argues that specific organizational practices can achieve the environmental benefits Text 1 doubts - through remote-first policies that shrink office space, coordinated in-person days, and data centers shifting to renewables. This is a qualification relationship: Text 2 agrees benefits aren't automatic while emphasizing how they can be achieved. Answer C correctly identifies this: Text 2 qualifies Text 1 by agreeing benefits are not automatic while emphasizing specific practices that can produce the climate gains Text 1 doubts. Choice A is wrong because Text 2 doesn't reject Text 1's concerns as exaggerated. Choice B incorrectly suggests Text 2 shifts away from emissions. Choice D misrepresents Text 2, which doesn't claim suburban moves are rare.
Question 11
Text 1
Personal carbon footprint calculators can motivate meaningful change because they translate an abstract crisis into daily decisions. When people see that frequent flying dwarfs the impact of recycling, they may shift travel habits and support cleaner options. The calculators are not perfect, but they give individuals a starting point and a sense of agency. Waiting for governments alone invites paralysis; widespread personal tracking can build a culture that demands broader reform.
Text 2
Footprint calculators often redirect attention away from the actors with the most leverage. Energy systems, freight networks, and building codes shape emissions far more than whether a person buys paper towels. When companies promote calculators, they can imply that climate failure is mainly a consumer's moral lapse, not a policy and infrastructure problem. Individual choices matter, but the most effective "agency" is collective: voting, organizing, and pushing institutions to decarbonize at scale.
Based on Text 2, how would the author of Text 2 most likely respond to Text 1's suggestion that widespread personal tracking can build a culture that demands broader reform?
- They would argue that calculators can distract from systemic solutions and shift responsibility onto consumers, making reform less likely rather than more. (correct answer)
- They would agree that personal tracking is more effective than policy change because infrastructure responds quickly to consumer guilt.
- They would claim that individual choices never affect emissions under any circumstances.
- They would argue that footprint calculators are accurate enough to replace national emissions inventories.
Explanation: Text 1 suggests that widespread use of personal carbon footprint calculators can build a culture that demands broader reform by giving individuals agency and a starting point for change. Text 2 would likely respond critically, arguing that footprint calculators 'often redirect attention away from the actors with the most leverage' - energy systems, freight networks, and building codes. Text 2 warns that when companies promote calculators, they can shift blame to consumers rather than addressing policy and infrastructure problems. The author argues the most effective agency is collective action through voting and organizing, not individual tracking. Choice A correctly captures this response: calculators can distract from systemic solutions and shift responsibility onto consumers, making reform less likely rather than more. Choice B is wrong because Text 2 doesn't agree personal tracking is more effective. Choices C and D misrepresent Text 2's nuanced position.
Question 12
Text 1
Public libraries should eliminate late fees because the charges punish the people libraries are meant to serve. A few dollars may seem minor, but it can deter low-income patrons from returning at all, effectively cutting them off from books, internet access, and job resources. Libraries that have dropped fines often report that patrons come back and that overall borrowing increases. The point of a library is circulation of knowledge, not the collection of penalties.
Text 2
Late fees can be harmful, but removing them does not automatically solve access problems. Some libraries replaced fines with aggressive replacement charges or sent accounts to collections, creating consequences that are worse than a small fee. Others saw popular items remain overdue longer, reducing availability for everyone. A fair policy targets the underlying issue: set generous loan periods, cap penalties, and invest in reminders and additional copies so that one patron's delay does not become another patron's barrier.
How does Text 2 most directly complicate the position presented in Text 1?
- It argues that libraries should stop lending physical books and provide only digital materials.
- It suggests that eliminating late fees may introduce different harms and that improving access requires broader policy design, not a single change. (correct answer)
- It claims that late fees increase borrowing because patrons feel pressured to read faster.
- It agrees that fines deter patrons and concludes that all library services should be free of any rules or due dates.
Explanation: Text 1 argues libraries should eliminate late fees because they deter low-income patrons, cutting access, and dropping them increases borrowing without harming circulation. Text 2 qualifies this by agreeing fees can be harmful but noting removal may introduce worse harms like aggressive charges or reduced availability from longer overdues, advocating broader policies like generous periods and reminders. This complicates Text 1 by showing elimination is not a simple fix and requires design to avoid new barriers. Choice B accurately describes this, stating Text 2 suggests eliminating fees may introduce harms and needs broader policy, evidenced by examples of replacement charges and overdue impacts. Choice A misreads Text 2 by assuming a shift to only digital materials, but Text 2 focuses on fee policies. Choice C uses an unsupported inference that fees 'increase borrowing' via pressure, flipping Text 2's concern about availability. Choice D flips Text 2's position, exaggerating to no rules at all when Text 2 proposes balanced rules.
Question 13
Text 1
City leaders often tout community gardens as a straightforward solution to urban "food deserts," but the evidence suggests their impact is mostly symbolic. A few raised beds cannot reliably supply staples for hundreds of households, especially when plots close for winter and volunteers fluctuate. In many cities, gardens also appear in neighborhoods already attracting investment, so they can function more as beautification than as food policy. The more serious fix is expanding affordable grocery retail and transit access.
Text 2
Dismissing community gardens as symbolic ignores what they actually change: not just calories, but behavior and networks. When residents grow even small amounts of produce, surveys show they are more likely to cook at home and try unfamiliar vegetables, and children exposed to gardening report higher willingness to eat them. Gardens also create regular contact among neighbors, which can support bulk-buying clubs or pressure campaigns for better stores. Gardens are not a full supply chain, but they can be a practical starting point.
Based on Text 2, how would the author of Text 2 most likely respond to Text 1's suggestion that community gardens "function more as beautification than as food policy"?
- Agree that gardens mainly benefit neighborhoods that are already experiencing investment and therefore worsen inequality.
- Argue that even limited harvests can still produce meaningful changes in eating habits and community organization that relate directly to food access. (correct answer)
- Concede that gardens are ineffective in winter and therefore should be replaced entirely by expanded transit access.
- Claim that gardens can reliably supply staple foods for hundreds of households if volunteers are properly trained.
Explanation: The question asks about Text 2's response to Text 1's specific claim that gardens 'function more as beautification than as food policy.' Text 1 dismisses gardens as merely symbolic beautification rather than substantive food policy. Text 2 directly counters this by arguing that gardens create meaningful changes in behavior and networks - they increase home cooking, vegetable consumption, and community organizing that can lead to 'bulk-buying clubs or pressure campaigns for better stores.' This represents food policy impact beyond mere beautification. Answer B correctly captures this: Text 2 argues that even limited harvests produce meaningful changes in eating habits and community organization that relate directly to food access. Choice A is incorrect because Text 2 doesn't agree gardens worsen inequality. Choice C is wrong as Text 2 never concedes gardens are ineffective in winter or advocates replacing them. Choice D misrepresents Text 2, which acknowledges gardens are 'not a full supply chain' rather than claiming they can reliably supply hundreds of households.
Question 14
Text 1
Many cities now promote remote work as a climate policy, assuming fewer commuters automatically means lower emissions. Yet the arithmetic is not so kind. When workers stay home, they often heat or cool larger spaces for longer hours, and many take extra car trips that would have been combined with the commute. In several household energy surveys, weekday electricity use rose enough to offset much of the fuel saved on driving. Treating remote work as a primary emissions strategy is therefore misguided.
Text 2
Remote work should not be dismissed because some households use more electricity. A commute is not merely a personal choice; it is a system that requires roads, parking, and peak-hour transit capacity built to handle daily surges. When remote work reduces those surges, cities can delay highway expansion and repurpose parking lots, changes that cut emissions for decades. Even if home energy use rises, the long-term savings from avoiding new infrastructure can outweigh short-term household increases.
Based on Text 2, how would the author of Text 2 most likely respond to the conclusion in Text 1 that treating remote work as a primary emissions strategy is misguided?
- They would agree, arguing that remote work should be promoted only for economic reasons rather than environmental ones.
- They would challenge it, emphasizing that remote work can reduce emissions by enabling cities to avoid building and maintaining commute-related infrastructure. (correct answer)
- They would qualify it by arguing that household electricity use never increases when people work from home.
- They would reject it, claiming that commuting has no meaningful effect on emissions compared with home energy use.
Explanation: Text 1 concludes that treating remote work as a primary emissions strategy is misguided because household energy use often rises enough to offset commuting fuel savings. Text 2 directly challenges this conclusion by introducing a systems-level perspective: commuting requires infrastructure (roads, parking, transit capacity) that must be built and maintained. The author argues that when remote work reduces commuting surges, cities can avoid building new highways and repurpose parking lots, creating emissions reductions that last for decades. This long-term infrastructure savings can outweigh short-term household energy increases. Answer B correctly captures this challenge by emphasizing infrastructure avoidance. Answer A is incorrect because Text 2 doesn't agree with Text 1's conclusion. Answer C misrepresents Text 2, which acknowledges that household electricity use can increase. Answer D incorrectly claims Text 2 rejects the importance of commuting emissions entirely.
Question 15
Text 1
People often praise "grit" as the key to academic success, but grit is frequently a label applied after the fact. When students have stable housing, quiet study space, and reliable transportation, persistence looks like a personal trait. When those supports are missing, the same level of effort yields fewer visible results and is interpreted as lack of grit. Studies that correlate grit scores with grades rarely measure these constraints directly. Treating grit as the main lever for achievement risks blaming students for structural barriers.
Text 2
Structural barriers are real, yet dismissing grit as merely a retrospective label ignores evidence from interventions that teach perseverance strategies. Programs that coach students to set specific goals, anticipate setbacks, and practice deliberate routines have improved course completion even when financial stress remains. These effects are not enormous, but they are consistent across schools. The most sensible approach is not to choose between grit and resources; it is to provide supports while also teaching skills that help students use those supports effectively.
Based on Text 2, how would the author of Text 2 most likely respond to Text 1's concern that emphasizing grit risks blaming students for structural barriers?
- They would agree that grit has no measurable impact and should be removed from educational research entirely.
- They would argue that structural barriers do not affect academic outcomes as long as students work hard enough.
- They would concede the risk but contend that teaching perseverance strategies can still yield benefits alongside material supports. (correct answer)
- They would claim that grit scores are accurate because they directly measure housing stability and transportation access.
Explanation: Text 1 warns that emphasizing grit risks blaming students for structural barriers like unstable housing or lack of study space. Text 2 concedes this risk exists but contends that teaching perseverance strategies (goal-setting, anticipating setbacks, practicing routines) has shown consistent benefits in improving course completion, even when financial stress remains. The author advocates for both providing material supports AND teaching skills to use those supports effectively. Answer C correctly captures this nuanced response: acknowledging the risk while maintaining that perseverance strategies have value alongside structural supports. Answer A is wrong because Text 2 doesn't agree grit has no impact. Answer B contradicts Text 2's acknowledgment of structural barriers. Answer D misrepresents how grit scores work.
Question 16
Text 1
Translation apps are making foreign-language study obsolete. Travelers can point a phone at a menu, employees can auto-translate emails, and speech tools are beginning to interpret conversations in real time. Given limited school budgets, time spent conjugating verbs could be redirected to coding or statistics—skills with clearer labor-market returns. Cultural understanding can be taught through literature in translation, and communication barriers will continue to fall as software improves.
Text 2
Convenient translation is not the same as communication. Apps often flatten tone, miss idioms, and fail in noisy settings or when speakers use dialects. More importantly, language learning builds a person's ability to negotiate meaning, notice cultural cues, and earn trust—capacities that matter in diplomacy, health care, and community work. Even in business, relying on automated translation can introduce subtle errors with legal consequences. Technology can support learning, but it cannot replace the human competence that learning creates.
Based on Text 2, how would the author of Text 2 most likely respond to Text 1's claim that foreign-language study is becoming "obsolete"?
- Agree, because translation apps already handle dialects and tone better than most human learners.
- Disagree, arguing that language study cultivates interpersonal and cultural skills and reduces high-stakes misunderstandings that apps can cause. (correct answer)
- Partly agree, arguing that literature in translation provides all the same benefits as speaking a language.
- Disagree, but only because coding and statistics are less useful than verb conjugation in the labor market.
Explanation: The question asks how Text 2's author would respond to Text 1's claim that foreign-language study is becoming 'obsolete' due to translation apps. Text 1 argues apps make language learning unnecessary. Text 2 strongly disagrees, arguing that 'Convenient translation is not the same as communication.' Text 2 explains that apps 'often flatten tone, miss idioms, and fail in noisy settings or when speakers use dialects.' More importantly, Text 2 argues language learning builds crucial interpersonal and cultural skills: 'ability to negotiate meaning, notice cultural cues, and earn trust—capacities that matter in diplomacy, health care, and community work.' Text 2 also warns about 'subtle errors with legal consequences' in business contexts. Answer B correctly captures this disagreement: Text 2 would disagree, arguing that language study cultivates interpersonal and cultural skills and reduces high-stakes misunderstandings that apps can cause. Choice A is wrong - Text 2 argues apps have significant limitations. Choice C misrepresents Text 2's position. Choice D introduces an irrelevant comparison not in Text 2.
Question 17
Text 1
Some cities respond to housing shortages by loosening zoning rules, allowing duplexes and small apartment buildings in areas once reserved for single-family homes. Critics predict that such changes will "destroy neighborhood character," yet the character they defend is often a recent invention, produced by mid-twentieth-century policies that excluded renters and lower-income families. Where modest upzoning has occurred, the result is typically subtle: a corner lot becomes a fourplex, a garage becomes a small unit. If cities want affordability without sprawl, gentle density is the most realistic path.
Text 2
"Gentle density" sounds politically soothing, but it can also be a convenient slogan that avoids harder choices. In many high-demand cities, adding a few units per block will not meaningfully reduce rents, especially when new construction targets higher-income buyers. Meanwhile, upzoning can accelerate land speculation, raising property taxes and pressuring long-time residents to sell. Affordability requires not only allowing more homes but also investing in subsidized housing and tenant protections, so that new supply does not arrive hand in hand with displacement.
Based on Text 2, how would the author of Text 2 most likely respond to Text 1's suggestion that gentle density is "the most realistic path" to affordability?
- They would agree, arguing that small-scale upzoning reliably lowers rents regardless of what kinds of units are built.
- They would disagree, arguing that housing shortages are best solved by expanding highways so people can live farther away.
- They would complicate it, arguing that modest upzoning alone may be insufficient and could contribute to displacement without additional policies. (correct answer)
- They would dismiss it, arguing that neighborhood character is fixed and should never change for any reason.
Explanation: Text 1 suggests 'gentle density' via modest upzoning is 'the most realistic path' to affordability without sprawl, downplaying character concerns and highlighting subtle changes. Text 2 complicates this by calling it a 'convenient slogan' that may not 'meaningfully reduce rents' in high-demand areas, especially if targeting higher-income buyers, and noting it can cause 'displacement' through speculation without 'subsidized housing and tenant protections.' This is a qualification and extension, agreeing on more homes but adding insufficiency and risks. Choice C correctly captures this by noting modest upzoning alone may be insufficient and contribute to displacement without policies. Choice A misreads Text 2 to assume agreement on rent-lowering reliability, ignoring its caveats. Choice B uses unsupported inference that Text 2 promotes highways, when it focuses on housing policies. Choice D flips positions, attributing to Text 2 dismissal of change when it advocates enhanced upzoning.
Question 18
Text 1
In the rush to electrify transportation, some critics worry that electric vehicles merely shift pollution from tailpipes to power plants. Yet even on a coal-heavy grid, electric motors convert energy to motion more efficiently than gasoline engines, meaning fewer total emissions per mile in most regions. As grids add wind and solar, the advantage grows automatically without drivers changing behavior. The practical implication is that policies should prioritize rapid EV adoption now, because cleaner electricity will arrive over time and improve every electric mile already driven.
Text 2
Efficiency alone does not settle the environmental case for electric vehicles, because the largest impacts can occur before the first mile is driven. Battery production requires intensive mining and processing, and those activities often concentrate pollution near vulnerable communities. Moreover, rapid adoption can encourage larger vehicles with bigger batteries, increasing material demand. A wiser policy would pair electrification with smaller cars, longer vehicle lifespans, and strong recycling standards, so that the grid's gradual cleaning is not offset by a surge in extraction and waste.
How does Text 2 relate to the argument presented in Text 1?
- It extends Text 1 by arguing that EVs should be adopted immediately because battery production has negligible environmental costs.
- It challenges Text 1 by shifting attention from driving emissions to manufacturing and material impacts that could undermine the benefits of rapid adoption. (correct answer)
- It agrees with Text 1's focus on grid emissions but argues that coal plants are cleaner than gasoline engines in every region.
- It contradicts Text 1 by claiming that electric motors are less efficient than gasoline engines.
Explanation: Text 1 argues for rapid EV adoption because electric motors are more efficient than gasoline even on coal grids, with benefits growing as grids clean, focusing on driving emissions and policy prioritization. Text 2 challenges this by shifting to 'largest impacts...before the first mile,' like battery mining pollution and larger vehicles increasing demand, advocating pairing with smaller cars and recycling to avoid offsetting grid improvements. This is a contradiction and extension, undermining rapid adoption's benefits by introducing manufacturing impacts. Choice B correctly describes this by noting the challenge via focus on manufacturing that could undermine rapid adoption. Choice A flips positions, attributing to Text 2 negligible battery costs when it highlights them as significant. Choice C misreads Text 1's claim, as Text 2 does not agree on grid emissions but shifts away from them. Choice D uses unsupported inference that Text 2 claims electric motors are less efficient, when it actually critiques pre-driving impacts.
Question 19
Text 1
Streaming services claim their recommendation algorithms help users discover diverse content, but the design of "personalization" often narrows exposure. Because the system optimizes for watch time, it learns to deliver familiar genres that keep a viewer from leaving. A user who watches one crime documentary can quickly receive an endless row of similar titles, while foreign films and independent releases are pushed out of sight. Recommendation engines may feel expansive, yet they can quietly reduce cultural variety.
Text 2
Watch-time optimization can narrow choices, but it does not follow that algorithms inevitably shrink cultural variety. Some platforms now incorporate "serendipity" metrics, deliberately inserting unfamiliar titles and measuring whether viewers sample them. When users do, the system can widen rather than narrow its suggestions. The real issue is the business goal the algorithm serves: maximize short-term engagement or cultivate long-term satisfaction. Algorithms are tools, and their effects depend on the incentives set by the platform.
Based on Text 2, which idea most directly addresses Text 1's concern that recommendation engines can reduce cultural variety?
- Algorithms should be eliminated because viewers are incapable of choosing content without automated guidance.
- Platforms can design recommendation systems to promote exploration by incorporating measures that reward serendipity rather than only watch time. (correct answer)
- Cultural variety is best protected by limiting the number of titles any platform is allowed to host.
- Foreign films and independent releases are unpopular, so reducing their visibility has little effect on viewers' experiences.
Explanation: Text 1's concern is that recommendation algorithms reduce cultural variety by optimizing for watch time and pushing users toward familiar content. Text 2 directly addresses this by explaining that some platforms now incorporate 'serendipity' metrics, deliberately inserting unfamiliar titles and measuring engagement. This shows algorithms can widen rather than narrow choices when designed with different incentives (long-term satisfaction vs. short-term engagement). Answer B correctly identifies this solution: designing systems that reward serendipity rather than only watch time. Answer A goes too far in suggesting elimination of algorithms. Answer C proposes limiting content, which doesn't address the recommendation issue. Answer D contradicts the premise that cultural variety matters.
Question 20
Text 1
In hiring, "culture fit" interviews are defended as a way to build cohesive teams, but the concept often disguises bias. When interviewers reward candidates who share their hobbies, speech patterns, or educational background, they confuse comfort with competence. Companies then hire people who resemble current employees and wonder why innovation stalls. A better approach is to evaluate "culture add": whether a candidate brings perspectives the team lacks. Cohesion should come from shared goals, not shared tastes.
Text 2
Bias can hide inside culture fit, but abandoning the idea entirely creates its own risk. Teams do need members who can handle disagreement productively and follow norms that protect collaboration, such as giving credit and meeting deadlines. Those behaviors are cultural, even if they are not about hobbies or personality. The solution is to define culture in observable practices and assess them with structured questions, not to replace one vague slogan with another. "Culture add" is useful only when the existing culture is clearly articulated and healthy.
Based on Text 2, how would the author of Text 2 most likely respond to Text 1's proposal to replace "culture fit" with "culture add"?
- They would oppose it, arguing that teams should ignore collaboration norms and focus only on technical skills.
- They would support it unconditionally, arguing that any difference automatically improves innovation.
- They would qualify it, arguing that assessing contribution is valuable but only if a company first defines culture as specific, healthy workplace practices and evaluates them consistently. (correct answer)
- They would interpret it as a call to hire based on shared hobbies, which they argue strengthens cohesion.
Explanation: Text 1 proposes replacing 'culture fit' (which can disguise bias) with 'culture add' (bringing new perspectives). Text 2 qualifies this proposal by arguing that some cultural assessment is necessary - teams need members who can handle disagreement productively and follow collaboration norms. The key insight is that 'culture add' is only useful when the existing culture is 'clearly articulated and healthy.' This means first defining culture as specific workplace practices and evaluating them consistently. Answer C correctly captures this qualified support. Answer A is wrong because Text 2 values collaboration norms. Answer B oversimplifies by suggesting unconditional support. Answer D misinterprets the proposal as being about shared hobbies.