All questions
Question 1
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A neighborhood association president claims that planting street trees is a cost-effective way to reduce summer heat stress. She points to a three-year initiative that planted 220 trees along two major corridors. During the most recent July, surface temperature readings on shaded sidewalks averaged 9°F cooler at noon than readings on adjacent unshaded blocks, and the local clinic reported a 14% decrease in heat-related visits from residents living within three blocks of the corridors compared with the prior July. Opponents argue that the clinic numbers could reflect other factors, but the president emphasizes that the temperature difference is a direct measurement of the trees' immediate impact.
The author uses this evidence to suggest that…
surface temperature readings on shaded sidewalks averaged 9°F cooler at noon than readings on adjacent unshaded blocks
- trees measurably lower the heat people experience in daily outdoor spaces, supporting the claim that they can mitigate heat stress efficiently (correct answer)
- trees eliminate all heat-related illness, proving that shade alone fully solves public health problems in summer
- the corridors received more funding for clinics, which is why shaded sidewalks were cooler
- shaded sidewalks were 9°F cooler than unshaded ones, meaning there was a temperature difference between them
Explanation: This question asks you to explain how evidence supports a claim about street trees reducing heat stress. The evidence that shaded sidewalks were 9°F cooler provides direct, measurable proof that trees lower temperatures in outdoor spaces where people walk and wait. This temperature reduction supports the president's claim that trees are a cost-effective way to reduce heat stress—the physical cooling effect is immediate and substantial. The connection to reduced heat-related clinic visits strengthens this support. Choice B overstates the impact by claiming total elimination of illness, while C invents an unrelated funding explanation. When analyzing environmental interventions, focus on direct measurements that demonstrate the claimed effect.
Question 2
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A museum educator argues that free admission days can broaden participation without diminishing visitor engagement. She cites a year in which the museum offered free entry on the first Sunday of each month. On those Sundays, the share of visitors from ZIP codes with median incomes below the city average rose from 18% to 33%, and the average time spent in galleries held steady at about 74 minutes, matching paid-admission Sundays. Some donors worry that free days attract "casual" visitors who rush through, but the educator maintains that stable visit length suggests comparable engagement.
The evidence supports the author's claim by…
the share of visitors from ZIP codes with median incomes below the city average rose from 18% to 33%
- showing that removing a price barrier brings in more visitors from less affluent areas, supporting the claim that free days broaden participation (correct answer)
- proving that the museum's overall revenue increased on free days, which is the best measure of engagement
- indicating that visitors stayed longer in galleries, which directly demonstrates higher income levels among attendees
- noting that the share rose from 18% to 33%, which means the percentage changed over time
Explanation: This question requires explaining how evidence supports a claim about free museum days broadening participation. The evidence that visitors from lower-income ZIP codes increased from 18% to 33% directly demonstrates that removing the price barrier attracted a more economically diverse audience. This supports the educator's claim that free days broaden participation—the museum is reaching populations who were underrepresented during paid admission. The stable visit duration shows these new visitors are equally engaged. Choice B incorrectly focuses on revenue rather than participation, while C misconnects visit length to income. When evaluating access initiatives, examine how demographic changes reflect the stated goal of broadening participation.
Question 3
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A technology columnist argues that requiring two-factor authentication (2FA) for school email accounts improves security without significantly increasing help-desk burden. After a district enabled 2FA for all staff, successful account takeovers dropped from 27 incidents in the prior semester to 3 incidents, while help-desk tickets related to login issues rose from 410 to 455 during the first month and then returned to baseline the next month. The columnist acknowledges the initial spike in tickets but argues that the long-term tradeoff is favorable because compromised accounts can expose student data and trigger costly recovery work.
The evidence supports the author's claim by…
successful account takeovers dropped from 27 incidents in the prior semester to 3 incidents
- demonstrating a substantial reduction in a key security failure, supporting the claim that 2FA meaningfully improves protection even if it causes minor short‑term friction (correct answer)
- showing that the district eliminated all cyber threats permanently, proving that 2FA makes any further security measures unnecessary
- indicating that staff members forgot their passwords more often, which is why account takeovers decreased
- stating that takeovers dropped from 27 to 3, which means there were fewer incidents
Explanation: This question requires explaining how evidence supports a claim about two-factor authentication improving security without excessive burden. The evidence that account takeovers dropped from 27 to 3 incidents demonstrates a dramatic improvement in security—a nearly 90% reduction in successful breaches. This substantial reduction supports the columnist's claim that 2FA meaningfully improves protection, justifying the temporary increase in help-desk tickets. The return to baseline ticket levels after one month shows the burden was indeed temporary. Choice B overstates by claiming permanent elimination of all threats, while C creates an illogical connection. When evaluating security measures, weigh the magnitude of security improvements against temporary implementation challenges.
Question 4
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A high school principal claims that later start times improve learning more than they disrupt after-school activities. After shifting the first bell from 7:20 to 8:10, the school found that first-period tardies dropped from an average of 38 per day to 14 per day, and the nurse logged 22% fewer visits for headaches and fatigue during morning classes. The principal also reports that the percentage of students earning D's or F's in first-period courses fell from 19% to 11%, while coaches report only minor scheduling adjustments. A few parents complain that students are simply staying up later, but the principal argues that the reduction in fatigue-related nurse visits suggests otherwise.
The evidence supports the author's claim by…
first-period tardies dropped from an average of 38 per day to 14 per day
- showing that students are arriving more consistently when the day begins later, implying the schedule change reduces barriers to attendance and supports improved learning conditions (correct answer)
- proving that every student now gets more sleep, which guarantees higher test scores in all subjects
- demonstrating that after-school sports became easier to schedule, which is the primary goal of delaying the start time
- restating that tardies decreased, which indicates there were fewer tardy students
Explanation: This question requires explaining how evidence supports a claim about later school start times improving learning. The evidence that first-period tardies dropped from 38 to 14 per day supports the principal's claim by showing students are arriving more consistently when school starts later. This improved attendance creates better learning conditions—students who are present can actually benefit from instruction. The connection between reduced tardiness and improved learning is logical: students must be present to learn effectively. Choice B makes an unsupported leap to guaranteed test scores, while C misidentifies the primary goal. When examining how evidence supports educational claims, consider how the data connects to the learning environment and student readiness to learn.
Question 5
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A coach claims that the team's improved performance came from changing practice structure, not from recruiting better athletes. She explains that last season, practices ended with scrimmages that rewarded fast scorers; this season, the team switched to drills emphasizing decision-making under pressure. As evidence, she notes that in game film analysis, turnovers in the final five minutes fell from an average of 4.1 per game to 2.3, while overall scoring remained roughly constant. She also points out that the roster is nearly identical—only one new player logs significant minutes—making a talent explanation less likely. The coach concedes that opponents vary, but she claims the late-game turnover drop reflects a specific skill the new drills targeted. Her claim is that practice design directly shaped late-game execution.
The evidence supports the author's claim by…
- proving that opponents were weaker this season because fewer turnovers always mean the other team played poorly
- showing a targeted improvement (late-game turnovers) that matches the new practice emphasis, while a mostly unchanged roster weakens the recruiting explanation (correct answer)
- suggesting that scoring staying constant means practice changes had no effect on any aspect of performance
- restating that turnovers fell from 4.1 to 2.3 in the final five minutes
Explanation: This question asks you to explain how evidence supports a claim about practice design improving performance. The coach presents evidence of a specific improvement—late-game turnovers dropping from 4.1 to 2.3—that directly matches the new practice emphasis on decision-making under pressure, while the roster remained mostly unchanged. This targeted improvement in exactly the skill area the new drills addressed, combined with the lack of new players, creates a strong logical connection between the practice change and the performance gain. Choice B correctly identifies how this pattern weakens alternative explanations and supports the practice design claim. Choice D fails by merely restating the statistics without explaining their connection to the practice changes. When analyzing evidence about interventions, look for outcomes that specifically match the intervention's intended effects.
Question 6
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A city council member argues that the downtown "street redesign" has improved public safety. She notes that in the six months after the redesign, police reports show a 22% drop in collisions at the three intersections where curb extensions and shorter crosswalks were installed, while collisions in the rest of downtown fell only 3%. She adds that emergency-room intake data show fewer pedestrian injury admissions on Friday and Saturday nights, the same periods when the redesigned blocks have the highest foot traffic. The council member concedes that the city also increased traffic enforcement during the same months, but she maintains that enforcement alone cannot explain why the largest improvements cluster around the redesigned intersections. Her claim is that the redesign itself—not merely stricter policing—made downtown meaningfully safer.
The author uses this evidence to suggest that…
- the redesign caused all safety improvements citywide because any decline in collisions must come from street engineering changes
- the redesign's safety effect is most credible where the largest, location-specific declines align with the treated intersections and peak pedestrian use times (correct answer)
- traffic enforcement is irrelevant to collision trends because police activity cannot influence driver behavior at intersections
- collisions fell by 22% at three intersections and pedestrian injury admissions decreased on weekend nights
Explanation: This question tests your ability to explain how evidence supports a claim about the street redesign's safety impact. The council member presents two key pieces of evidence: a 22% drop in collisions specifically at the three redesigned intersections (versus only 3% elsewhere) and fewer pedestrian injuries during peak foot traffic times at those same locations. This location-specific and time-specific alignment between the evidence and the claim creates a strong logical connection—the safety improvements occur precisely where and when the redesign would most likely have an effect. Choice B correctly identifies this pattern of evidence clustering around the treated areas as the most credible support for the claim. Choice A overstates by claiming the redesign caused ALL improvements citywide, while the evidence shows the opposite pattern. The key strategy here is to look for evidence that shows specific alignment between the intervention (redesign) and the outcomes (safety improvements), rather than broad generalizations.
Question 7
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A public-health researcher claims that a city's new network of protected bike lanes increased cycling by making riding feel safer, not merely by attracting existing cyclists to different routes. She cites automated counters showing that after installation, bike volume on three protected corridors rose by 41% while parallel streets without protection rose by only 6%. She also notes that a resident survey found a sharp increase in "interested but concerned" respondents who reported biking at least once a week, a category previously dominated by non-cyclists. The researcher acknowledges that gas prices rose during the same period, but she argues that a fuel-cost effect would likely influence all corridors similarly rather than concentrating growth on protected ones. Her claim is that perceived safety from protection was a key driver of new ridership.
The author uses this evidence to suggest that…
- gas prices had no effect on transportation choices because only infrastructure can change commuting behavior
- cycling increased mainly where protection was added and among previously hesitant residents, implying the lanes reduced perceived risk and drew new riders (correct answer)
- the protected lanes caused every street in the city to see identical cycling growth because safety improvements spread automatically
- bike volume rose by 41% on three protected corridors and by 6% on parallel streets
Explanation: This question tests your ability to explain how evidence supports a claim about protected bike lanes increasing cycling by improving perceived safety. The researcher provides evidence showing a 41% increase on protected corridors versus only 6% on unprotected parallel streets, plus survey data showing more "interested but concerned" residents now cycling weekly. This differential growth pattern—concentrated on protected routes rather than spread evenly—suggests the protection itself attracted new riders who previously felt unsafe. Choice B correctly explains how this evidence implies the lanes reduced perceived risk and drew new riders. Choice D merely restates the numbers without explaining their significance to the safety argument. The strategy here is to recognize how comparative evidence (protected vs. unprotected) can isolate the effect of a specific intervention.
Question 8
A public health columnist argues that "the strongest predictor of whether people stick with exercise is not motivation, but convenience engineered into daily routines." To support this claim, the columnist cites a university study of 600 commuters: when a company moved its bike storage from a basement room (requiring a keycard and elevator ride) to a ground-floor, glass-fronted area beside the main entrance, bike commuting among employees increased from 9% to 16% over four months. The study also reports that the company did not offer new fitness incentives, and that average employee self-reported "motivation to exercise" scores stayed statistically unchanged.
The author uses this evidence to suggest that bike commuting rose from 9% to 16% after bike storage became easier to access, even though motivation scores did not change in order to…
- imply that reducing small logistical barriers can change behavior more reliably than trying to increase people's stated desire to exercise (correct answer)
- prove that motivation has no role in any health behavior and should never be measured in research
- show that bike commuting increased only because employees received new financial incentives for fitness
- repeat that bike storage moved to a glass-fronted area beside the main entrance
Explanation: This question assesses the skill of explaining how evidence supports a claim. The evidence that bike commuting rose from 9% to 16% after easier storage access, despite unchanged motivation scores and no new incentives, supports the columnist's claim by showing that convenience in routines drives behavior more than internal motivation. This logical link emphasizes how removing logistical barriers—like keycards and elevators—integrates exercise seamlessly into daily life, leading to sustained changes without relying on fluctuating desire. By controlling for incentives and measuring motivation stability, the evidence isolates convenience as the key factor in the increase. Choice B distracts by misinterpreting the evidence to dismiss motivation entirely, ignoring its potential role in other contexts not addressed here. A useful strategy is to examine how evidence controls for variables to pinpoint the claim's mechanism and avoid choices that absolutize findings.
Question 9
In an essay on agriculture and water use, an environmental historian claims that "scarcity is often produced by policy choices that reward the wrong crops in the wrong places." The essay describes a river basin where alfalfa and almonds—two water-intensive crops—expanded after a subsidy program tied payments to acreage planted rather than to water efficiency. Over ten years, irrigated acreage grew 19%, while the basin's measured groundwater level fell an average of 11 feet. The historian adds that during the same decade, average rainfall was near the long-term mean, and the region's population growth was modest.
The author uses the 19% expansion of irrigated acreage alongside an 11-foot average groundwater decline despite near-average rainfall to suggest that…
- institutional incentives can drive water-intensive expansion that depletes groundwater even without an unusual drought, making scarcity a policy outcome (correct answer)
- groundwater always declines over time in every region, so subsidies and crop choices do not matter
- population growth is the sole cause of groundwater decline, since more people inevitably use more water
- irrigated acreage grew 19% and groundwater levels fell an average of 11 feet over ten years
Explanation: This question assesses the skill of explaining how evidence supports a claim. The evidence of 19% irrigated acreage growth and 11-foot groundwater decline despite average rainfall supports the historian's claim by linking subsidies to water-intensive expansion, producing scarcity through policy. This tie illustrates how incentives tied to acreage, not efficiency, drive unsustainable choices in vulnerable areas. Modest population growth and normal rainfall isolate policy as the depletion cause. Choice B distracts by absolutizing decline everywhere, ignoring evidence that policy influences outcomes. A key strategy is to connect evidence to policy mechanisms and avoid choices that dismiss contextual factors.
Question 10
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A city council member argues that the new "Open Streets" program—closing three downtown blocks to cars on Saturdays—has strengthened local businesses more than it has inconvenienced drivers. She notes that during the first eight Saturdays, sales-tax receipts from those blocks rose 12% compared with the same period last year, while parking-garage entries within a half-mile fell 4%. She adds that the transit agency reported a 9% increase in weekend ridership on routes serving downtown, and that the police department recorded no increase in emergency response times in the area. Critics counter that some shoppers may simply be buying on Saturdays instead of other days, but the council member responds that the receipts are year-over-year, not week-to-week.
The author uses this evidence to suggest that…
sales-tax receipts from those blocks rose 12% compared with the same period last year
- the program's car restrictions likely increased commercial activity in the affected area rather than merely shifting it to a different day, supporting her claim that businesses benefited overall (correct answer)
- all businesses citywide experienced the same increase in revenue, proving that the program caused a general economic boom
- the program reduced parking demand so drastically that downtown drivers were effectively eliminated, which is why businesses improved
- sales-tax receipts rose 12% compared with last year, meaning the receipts were higher than before
Explanation: This question asks you to explain how evidence supports a claim about the benefits of the Open Streets program. The evidence shows sales-tax receipts rose 12% compared to the same period last year, which directly supports the council member's claim that businesses have been strengthened. The year-over-year comparison is crucial because it addresses the critics' concern about sales merely shifting between days—if people were just buying on Saturdays instead of other days, the yearly comparison wouldn't show an increase. Choice B incorrectly overgeneralizes to all businesses citywide, while C makes an unsupported claim about eliminating drivers. When analyzing how evidence supports a claim, focus on the logical connection between what the data shows and what the author argues, paying attention to how the evidence addresses potential counterarguments.
Question 11
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A workplace analyst argues that remote work can increase productivity when paired with clear expectations. She describes a customer-support team that shifted to remote work three days a week and adopted standardized response templates. After two months, average first-response time to customer tickets fell from 3.8 hours to 2.1 hours, while customer satisfaction scores rose from 4.2 to 4.5 (out of 5). The analyst notes that managers also reported fewer "status meetings," but insisted on daily written check-ins. Some executives claim the improvement must be temporary, yet the analyst points out that the metrics improved after the new routines stabilized.
The evidence supports the author's claim by…
average first-response time to customer tickets fell from 3.8 hours to 2.1 hours
- showing faster service after the shift and new procedures, implying that remote work with structure can improve output rather than slow it down (correct answer)
- demonstrating that employees worked fewer hours overall, which proves remote work is always better for work-life balance
- indicating that customers filed fewer complaints about pricing, which is the main driver of satisfaction in support teams
- repeating that first-response time fell from 3.8 to 2.1 hours, which means responses were quicker
Explanation: This question requires explaining how evidence supports a claim about remote work increasing productivity. The evidence that first-response time fell from 3.8 to 2.1 hours demonstrates faster service, directly supporting the analyst's claim that remote work can increase productivity when paired with clear expectations (like standardized templates and daily check-ins). This improvement in a key performance metric shows that the structured remote arrangement enhanced rather than hindered output. Choice B incorrectly focuses on hours worked rather than productivity, while C misidentifies the metric. When evaluating workplace changes, examine how performance metrics relate to the specific claim about productivity.
Question 12
A climate policy op-ed argues that "electrification succeeds fastest where governments remove friction for installers, not where they merely subsidize buyers." The author cites a state that kept its rebate for heat pumps constant at $1,000 but introduced a single online permit portal and a guaranteed five-day inspection window. In the year after the administrative changes, heat-pump installations rose 41%, while a neighboring state that increased rebates from $1,000 to $1,800 but kept permitting timelines variable saw installations rise only 12%. The author notes that electricity prices and average winter temperatures were similar across the two states that year.
The evidence supports the author's claim by showing that installations rose 41% where permitting was streamlined despite unchanged rebates, while the higher-rebate state rose only 12% with variable permitting because…
- reducing administrative delays can unlock adoption more than increasing financial incentives alone, since installers and households respond to predictable timelines (correct answer)
- rebates never influence consumer behavior, so all subsidy programs should be eliminated
- the neighboring state's colder winters must have prevented installations, even though the op-ed reports temperatures were similar
- the state created a single online permit portal and a guaranteed five-day inspection window
Explanation: This question assesses the skill of explaining how evidence supports a claim. The evidence that installations rose 41% with streamlined permitting despite unchanged rebates, versus 12% in the higher-rebate state with variable timelines, supports the op-ed's claim by prioritizing administrative ease over financial boosts for installers and households. This logical tie shows that predictable processes reduce friction, accelerating adoption more than subsidy increases alone. Controlling for similar prices and weather isolates permitting as the key driver. Choice B distracts by misinterpreting to eliminate all rebates, ignoring their potential when combined with efficiency. A general strategy is to evaluate comparative evidence for what accelerates outcomes and reject choices that negate supporting elements.
Question 13
In an essay evaluating workplace productivity, a management researcher claims that "flexibility improves output not by making people work more hours, but by reducing the hidden costs of interruption." The essay describes a six-week pilot in which one department switched to a four-day hybrid schedule and adopted a rule that meetings could occur only between 11 a.m. and 3 p.m. During the pilot, the department's logged hours stayed nearly flat (down 1%), but completed client deliverables increased from 48 to 61 and average turnaround time dropped from 5.2 days to 3.9 days. The researcher notes that staffing levels and project mix were unchanged from the prior six weeks.
The evidence supports the author's claim by showing that deliverables rose from 48 to 61 and turnaround time fell from 5.2 to 3.9 days even though logged hours stayed nearly flat because…
- the new schedule likely reduced fragmentation of attention, allowing the same time to produce more finished work (correct answer)
- hybrid work always increases productivity in every department, regardless of the kind of work being done
- the department must have secretly increased staffing levels, since more deliverables can only come from more employees
- turnaround time fell from 5.2 days to 3.9 days, which means the department held meetings only between 11 a.m. and 3 p.m.
Explanation: This question assesses the skill of explaining how evidence supports a claim. The evidence that deliverables increased from 48 to 61 and turnaround time dropped from 5.2 to 3.9 days, with logged hours nearly flat, supports the researcher's claim by illustrating that the hybrid schedule and meeting restrictions minimized interruptions, enabling more efficient use of time. This connection highlights how reducing fragmentation—through focused meeting windows—allows workers to maintain deeper concentration, leading to higher output without additional hours. By noting unchanged staffing and project mix, the evidence isolates the schedule's role in boosting productivity via better attention management. A distractor like choice B misinterprets the evidence by claiming universal benefits for hybrid work across all departments, overlooking the specific pilot's context and variables. To apply this skill broadly, always trace how evidence demonstrates cause-and-effect relationships while checking for overgeneralizations in answer choices.
Question 14
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A professor argues that open-note exams can be more rigorous than closed-book tests. She explains that when students expect recall-based questions, they often cram definitions; when they expect to use notes, they must practice applying concepts. As evidence, she compares two versions of the same midterm: in the closed-book semester, 72% of questions asked for definitions or formula recall, while in the open-note semester, 68% required multi-step analysis of a novel scenario. She also reports that in the open-note term, fewer students finished early and more students used scratch paper to map reasoning. The professor acknowledges that "open-note" sounds easier, but her claim is that the format can shift assessment toward higher-order thinking.
The evidence supports the author's claim by…
- showing that open-note exams eliminate the need to study because notes replace learning
- indicating that the exam design changed toward analysis-heavy questions, supporting the idea that open-note formats can demand deeper reasoning (correct answer)
- suggesting that students used scratch paper only because the open-note semester had more confusing lectures
- restating that 72% of questions were recall-based in one term and 68% were analysis-based in another
Explanation: This question asks you to explain how evidence supports a claim about open-note exams being more rigorous. The professor presents evidence showing a dramatic shift in question types: from 72% recall-based questions in closed-book exams to 68% analysis-based questions in open-note exams, plus behavioral evidence (less early finishing, more scratch paper use). This shift in exam design directly supports the claim that open-note formats can demand deeper reasoning—when students have access to notes, professors can focus on application rather than memorization. Choice B correctly identifies how the change in question types supports the deeper reasoning claim. Choice D fails by merely restating the percentages without explaining their significance to the rigor argument. The key is recognizing how evidence about assessment design changes can support claims about educational rigor.
Question 15
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A museum director defends eliminating free-admission Sundays, arguing that the policy had quietly undermined access rather than expanding it. She cites attendance records showing that on free Sundays, average wait times exceeded 75 minutes and the museum reached fire-code capacity by noon, forcing staff to turn visitors away. She also notes that zip-code data reveal a smaller share of visitors from the city's outer neighborhoods on free Sundays than on regular weekdays, when entry is paid but lines are shorter. The director admits that free admission sounds equitable, yet she claims that a policy that looks generous can still function like a barrier if it concentrates demand into a single crowded window. Her claim is that removing free Sundays can, paradoxically, improve real access.
The author uses this evidence to suggest that…
- free admission always reduces access because any popular event necessarily excludes most people
- the museum should raise ticket prices on weekdays because shorter lines mean visitors can afford more expensive admission
- crowding and capacity limits on free Sundays likely deter or exclude some visitors, especially those traveling farther, weakening the policy's access goals (correct answer)
- wait times exceeded 75 minutes and the museum reached capacity by noon on free Sundays
Explanation: This question tests your ability to explain how evidence supports a claim about free admission paradoxically reducing access. The director presents evidence showing that free Sundays created severe crowding (75-minute waits, capacity limits by noon) and actually drew fewer visitors from outer neighborhoods compared to paid weekdays. This evidence supports the claim by demonstrating how a well-intentioned policy can backfire—the crowding and capacity limits likely deter visitors, especially those who must travel farther and cannot easily return another day. Choice C correctly explains this logical connection between the evidence and the counterintuitive claim. Choice D merely restates the statistics without explaining their significance to the access argument. The key insight is recognizing how evidence of unintended consequences (crowding deterring visitors) can support claims that challenge conventional wisdom about equity policies.
Question 16
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A superintendent claims that switching to a later high-school start time improved learning. In her memo, she points out that after the schedule change, first-period tardiness fell from 18% to 7%, and teachers reported fewer students "sleeping in class." She also cites district data showing that the biggest gains in course pass rates occurred in ninth grade, the cohort that previously had the earliest bus pickups. She acknowledges that the district also updated its math curriculum that year, but she argues that a curriculum change would not so neatly match improvements in the specific period most affected by the bell schedule. Her central claim is that the later start time was a primary driver of the improved academic outcomes.
The evidence supports the author's claim by…
- showing that reduced tardiness and grade-level gains align with the timing change in a way that implies the schedule shift contributed to learning improvements (correct answer)
- proving that curriculum updates cannot affect pass rates because instructional materials never influence student performance
- suggesting that all students in every grade learned more because any decrease in tardiness guarantees higher test scores
- listing numerical changes in tardiness and ninth-grade pass rates without linking them to why the start time matters
Explanation: This question asks you to explain how evidence supports a claim about later school start times improving learning. The superintendent provides evidence that directly connects to the schedule change: tardiness dropped dramatically in first period (when the change would have the most impact), and the biggest academic gains occurred in ninth grade (the group previously affected by the earliest bus pickups). This targeted pattern of improvement—occurring exactly where the schedule change would theoretically help most—creates a logical link between the intervention and the outcomes. Choice A correctly identifies how this alignment implies the schedule shift contributed to improvements. Choice D fails because it merely lists the statistics without explaining the connection, missing how the evidence specifically targets areas most affected by the change. When analyzing evidence-claim relationships, look for patterns that match the expected effects of the proposed cause.
Question 17
A technology critic argues that "the real cost of 'free' apps is not money but attention, and the design choices that monetize distraction are measurable." The critic points to an internal analytics report leaked from a mid-sized social media company. After the company introduced an auto-play feature and increased notification prompts, average daily time-in-app rose from 38 minutes to 51 minutes, but the percentage of users reporting they felt "satisfied" after a session fell from 42% to 29% in the same quarter. The report also notes that ad revenue per user increased 14%.
The author uses the rise in time-in-app from 38 to 51 minutes alongside the drop in satisfaction from 42% to 29% after auto-play and more notifications to suggest that…
- design features can increase engagement by capturing attention even as they make the experience feel less rewarding to users (correct answer)
- auto-play and notifications improve user well-being because people spend more time on the app
- the company's ad revenue increased because users became more satisfied with the app's content
- time-in-app rose from 38 minutes to 51 minutes and satisfaction fell from 42% to 29%
Explanation: This question assesses the skill of explaining how evidence supports a claim. The evidence of time-in-app rising from 38 to 51 minutes while satisfaction fell from 42% to 29% after auto-play and notifications supports the critic's claim by showing how design features boost engagement metrics at the expense of user well-being. This link demonstrates that monetizing attention through distractions increases usage but diminishes perceived value, as seen in the revenue uptick. By pairing quantitative increases with qualitative declines, the evidence illustrates the hidden costs of such designs. Choice B distracts by misinterpreting higher usage as improved well-being, inverting the evidence's implication of trade-offs. A transferable approach is to analyze how evidence contrasts metrics to reveal tensions in a claim and evaluate choices for reversed interpretations.
Question 18
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A public health columnist claims that small design changes in cafeterias can meaningfully improve nutrition without banning foods. In a county pilot, cafeterias moved fruit to the front of the serving line and placed water at eye level. Over ten school days, students selected fruit in 41% of lunches, up from 26% before the change, while sales of desserts declined 8%. The columnist also notes that no menu items were removed, and that students could still choose dessert if they wanted. Critics argue that students will compensate after school, but the columnist suggests that repeated small choices can accumulate.
The author uses this evidence to suggest that…
students selected fruit in 41% of lunches, up from 26% before the change
- altering the environment can nudge students toward healthier choices without restricting options, supporting the claim that design can improve nutrition (correct answer)
- students stopped eating dessert entirely, demonstrating that the pilot effectively banned unhealthy foods
- the county's fruit suppliers raised prices, which explains why students chose fruit more often
- fruit selection rose to 41% from 26%, meaning more fruit was chosen than before
Explanation: This question asks you to explain how evidence supports a claim about cafeteria design improving nutrition. The evidence that fruit selection rose from 26% to 41% demonstrates that simply changing placement can influence student choices without restricting options. This supports the columnist's claim that small design changes can meaningfully improve nutrition—students chose healthier options more frequently when fruit was more accessible and visible. The fact that no items were removed shows this isn't about restriction but about nudging behavior. Choice B incorrectly claims desserts were banned, while C invents an unsupported price explanation. When analyzing behavioral interventions, focus on how environmental changes can influence choices while preserving autonomy.
Question 19
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
An editor argues that shortening news articles does not necessarily make them more readable. She cites analytics from her publication showing that after a major "brevity initiative," average article length fell by 35% but the share of readers who reached the end dropped from 54% to 46%. She also notes that reader feedback increasingly complained that stories felt "context-free," and reporters reported spending more time writing headlines to compensate for missing explanation. The editor concedes that some pieces benefit from trimming, but she claims that cutting context can force readers to work harder to infer meaning, which may reduce completion. Her claim is that readability depends on clarity and structure, not just fewer words.
The evidence supports the author's claim by…
- showing that shorter articles automatically confuse readers because any reduction in length removes all necessary context
- indicating that despite shorter length, completion fell and complaints rose, implying that brevity alone may harm clarity and thus readability (correct answer)
- proving that headlines are the only part of an article that matters because reporters spent more time writing them
- repeating that article length fell by 35% and end-of-article reach fell from 54% to 46%
Explanation: This question asks you to explain how evidence supports a claim about shorter articles not necessarily being more readable. The editor provides evidence that despite a 35% reduction in article length, reader completion rates actually dropped from 54% to 46%, and complaints about "context-free" stories increased. This counterintuitive result—shorter articles being completed less often—supports the claim that brevity alone may harm clarity and thus readability. Choice B correctly identifies how this evidence implies that cutting context forces readers to work harder, reducing completion. Choice D fails by merely listing the statistics without explaining the paradox of shorter articles performing worse. The key insight is recognizing how evidence of unintended consequences can support claims that challenge assumptions about simplicity and accessibility.
Question 20
Read the following embedded passage and answer the question.
A columnist argues that a company's "unlimited vacation" policy can discourage time off. She points to internal HR data showing that after the policy replaced a bank of 15 guaranteed days, the median number of days taken fell from 14 to 9, even though employees were repeatedly told to "take what you need." She also quotes an employee survey in which 62% of respondents said they felt they needed manager approval for vacations more than before, despite the policy's promise of flexibility. The columnist concedes that some workers may simply prefer working, but she claims the pattern suggests a social constraint: when no one can point to an earned balance, employees become cautious about appearing less committed than peers. Her claim is that "unlimited" time off can operate as an informal limit.
The evidence supports the author's claim by…
- demonstrating that the policy reduced vacation use and increased perceived gatekeeping, implying that ambiguity and workplace norms can suppress time off (correct answer)
- showing that every employee dislikes flexibility because most workers want strict rules rather than choice
- proving that managers intentionally manipulated the policy to punish employees for taking vacations
- repeating the numerical change in median days taken without explaining how it connects to the idea of an 'informal limit'
Explanation: This question asks you to explain how evidence supports a claim about unlimited vacation policies discouraging time off. The columnist presents two pieces of evidence: vacation days taken dropped from 14 to 9 after the policy change, and 62% of employees felt they needed more manager approval despite the policy's flexibility promise. This evidence demonstrates how removing formal limits can create informal social pressures—without a clear entitlement, employees become cautious about appearing less committed than peers. Choice A correctly identifies how the evidence implies that ambiguity and workplace norms can suppress time off. Choice D fails by merely repeating the statistics without explaining the psychological mechanism that connects unlimited policies to reduced usage. When analyzing evidence about workplace policies, consider how formal rules interact with informal social dynamics.